Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents moreDraft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge. |
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Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
Spectral
Objects:
Material
links
to
difficult
pasts
for
adoptive
families
Steven
D.
Brown,
Paula
Reavey
&
Helen
Brookfield
Introduction
Whilst
analyzing
the
data
from
a
study
of
adoptive
parents
engaged
in
the
practice
of
maintaining
a
‘life
story’
book
for
the
children
in
their
care,
we
were
struck
by
the
repeated
references
made
by
parents
to
objects
that
had
accompanied
children
from
their
former
care
placements:
photographs,
shoes,
hats,
a
pooh
bear,
a
battered
snoopy
dog,
plastic
toys.
Our
analysis
concentrated
on
the
first
of
these
objects
–
photographs
–
since
these
are
particularly
potent
artefacts
around
which
the
work
of
remembering
former
carers
and
biological
parents
is
done,
and
are
central
to
the
creation
and
maintenance
of
life
story
books
(see
Brookfield,
Brown
&
Reavey,
2008).
We
described
how
these
images
presented
dilemmas
to
adoptive
parents.
Some
photographs
depicted
former
carers
to
whom,
parents
feared,
adopted
children
might
still
be
overly
attached.
Other
photographs
showed
children
in
states
all
too
easily
readable
as
neglect,
or
worse.
In
both
cases
adoptive
parents
were
torn
between
the
need
to
preserve
for
the
child
the
past
that
was
legible
in
the
photographs,
and
the
corresponding
need
to
manage
and
‘tame’
that
past
within
a
narrative
and
practice
of
building
a
‘new
home’.
More
difficult
still
were
cases
where
photographs
simply
did
not
exist,
leading
some
parents
to
specially
construct
new
images,
sometimes
at
the
behest
of
the
child,
to
assist
in
filling
out
the
gaps.
But
we
continued
to
be
fascinated
by
these
other
object
–
the
clothes,
the
toys.
Clearly
these
objects
have
considerable
significance
for
the
relationship
between
adoptive
parents
and
their
children,
yet
they
also
appear
to
be
ambiguous,
difficult.
Parents
described
some
objects
in
disparaging
terms,
detailing
their
efforts
at
hiding
them
whilst
feeling
unable
to
actually
get
rid.
How
best
to
understand
this
complex
sets
of
meanings?
What
is
the
power
these
objects
have
over
parents?
We
found
an
echo
of
this
in
a
recent
newspaper
article.
‘Diary
of
a
separation’
is
a
weekly
account
of
a
relationship
breakdown
that
provides
forensic
descriptions
of
the
practical
and
emotional
problems
involved
in
separation
and
shared
childcare.
In
an
article
entitled
‘Where
have
the
all
the
trousers
gone?’i,
the
author
describes
a
frantic
search
for
clothes
for
the
children
before
school:
"Why
are
there
no
trousers?"
I
mutter.
I
kick
aside
an
abandoned
bag
of
swimming
gear,
damp
and
mildewed.
"Why
are
there
no
trousers?"
I
shout
this
time.
The
children
ignore
me.
They
are
watching
TV.
The
eldest
looks
up,
momentarily,
confused.
"What?"
"Why
can't
I
find
any
trousers?
How
is
it
even
possible
that
you
have
no
trousers?"
…
X
must
have
them
all,
I
think,
irritably.
Of
course,
that
isn't
possible,
really.
The
eldest
can't
be
stockpiling
trousers
at
his
father's
house.
Common
sense
dictates
that
he
must
leave
here,
and
return,
with
one
pair.
I
frown.
I
suspect
what's
really
happening
is
that
he
leaves
here
with
what
I
consider
a
decent
pair
of
trousers
and
comes
back
with
something
I
don't:
shorts,
tracksuit
bottoms
with
holes
in
the
knees,
trousers
that
only
reach
his
shins.
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
Nothing
he
can
decently
wear
to
school.
I
call
X,
trying
to
keep
the
note
of
complaint
out
of
my
voice.
"I
haven't
got
any
trousers
for
the
eldest,"
I
say.
"Have
you
got
them?"
"But
...
surely
I
can't
have
them
all?"
he
reasons,
correctly.
"That
makes
no
sense."
"No,
I
know,
but
..."
I
trail
off.
"But
somehow
I
don't
have
any
decent
ones.
And
last
weekend
he
came
back
in
his
karate
trousers."
Wow,
I
sound
amazingly
petty.
"Fine,"
he
says.
"You
can
come
and
get
some
if
you
need
to."
He
sounds
appropriately
bored
by
the
discussion,
which
is,
indeed,
very
boring.
No
one
cares
except
me.
The
author
consciously
reflects
upon
why
exactly
she
is
so
upset
with
such
apparently
trivial
matters.
Surely
if
one
has
been
through
the
process
of
agreeing
the
separation
of
the
‘big
stuff’
such
as
finances,
housing
and
child
custody,
a
missing
pair
of
trousers
ought
to
count
for
very
little?
And
yet
they
do.
They
provoke
anger
and
suspicion
about
the
inferred
actions
of
the
ex-‐partner
(‘X’).
They
lead
the
author
to
behave
in
ways
that
she
herself
sees
as
unreasonable
and
‘petty’.
Lurking
behind
it
all
is
a
sense
of
lacking
control
in
one’s
own
daily
affairs,
and
of
sneaking,
rising
guilt
at
the
shortcomings
of
one’s
newly
single
parenting.
All
of
this
arises
from
a
missing
pair
of
trousers.
We
might
be
tempted
to
view
both
the
possibly
purloined
trousers
described
above
and
the
sorts
of
objects
discussed
by
the
adoptive
parents
in
our
study
as
symbols
around
which
psychic
processes
of
desire,
investment
and
displacement
are
being
played
out.
The
notion
that
soft
toys
function
as
transitional
objects
for
children
during
times
when
there
is
a
shift
in
family
relationships
is
particularly
apt
when
that
change
involves
either
parental
separation,
or,
in
the
case
of
adoption,
the
movement
from
one
set
of
adult
carers
to
another.
A
psychoanalytic
reading
of
the
‘holding
power’
of
objects
would
then
seem
appropriate
(Bollas,
2008).
However
in
this
chapter
we
deliberately
resist
such
an
approach
for
a
number
of
reasons.
First
of
all,
as
part
of
a
wider
general
cultural
saturation
of
post-‐
and
neo-‐
Freudian
ideas
(see
Parker,
1997),
this
kind
of
psychoanalytic
thinking
is
already
a
part
of
the
practice
of
adoption
itself
(at
least
in
the
UK).
Adoptive
parents
already
recognize
the
psychological
and
emotional
significance
of
the
objects
that
travel
with
adoptive
children
between
care
settings
–
a
further
layering
of
psychoanalytic
description
does
little
to
clarify
how
this
sensitivity
is
practically
managed.
Second,
attending
to
psychic
process
rather
than
physical
engagement
with
objects,
or,
perhaps
more
precisely,
reducing
the
complexities
of
the
space
in
which
parents
and
children
interact
with
these
objects
into
a
purely
mental/psychic
space
seems
at
best
to
be
foreclosing
on
the
range
of
possible
understandings
and
at
worst
to
be
downright
reductive.
Finally,
in
line
with
many
of
the
contributions
to
this
volume,
we
want
to
suspend
automatic
recourse
to
the
kind
of
established
subject
(i.e.
agent)
/
object
(i.e.
acted
upon)
binary
prevalent
in
neo-‐Freudian
thinking
as
the
starting
point
for
our
analysis.
In
previous
work
we
have
followed
the
analytic
move
popularized
by
Michel
Serres
and
Bruno
Latour
of
treating
objects
as
‘participants’
in
the
work
of
forging
relations,
including
those
that
are
commonly
taken
to
define
family
relationships.
Rather
than
divide
up
the
empirical
field
under
the
headings
of
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
subjects
and
objects,
this
approach
posits
an
assembly
of
relations
where
the
qualities
and
capacities
of
each
‘actor’
(i.e.
what
is
taken
to
be
an
entity
within
the
given
empirical
field)
are
relationally
determined.
Such
an
assembly
can
be
‘summed
up’
or
‘condensed’
in
ways
that
distribute
agency
and
its
lack.
For
example,
in
accounts
given
by
survivors
of
child
sexual
abuse
of
the
spaces
where
abuse
happened,
we
have
treated
some
of
the
objects
described
–
such
as
locked
doors,
wardrobes,
roads
which
were
crossed
–
as
lending
a
shaping
force
to
how
survivors
are
able
to
articulate
their
own
agency
both
at
the
time
and
in
subsequent
recollections
(see
Reavey
&
Brown,
2009).
Objects
do
not
just
mediate
human
actions,
they
are
critical
to
efforts
to
establish
the
nature,
effects
and
significance
of
those
actions
(e.g.
the
locking
of
a
door
has
implications
for
attributions
of
intentionality
and
forethought).
We
can
then
speak
of
the
affordances
(Costall
&
Dreier,
2006)
or
propensities
(Jullien,
1999)
of
objects
as
emerging
from
the
assembly
of
relations
to
form
potential
trajectories
or
tendencies
along
which
action
can
unfold
(and
which
can
be
rearticulated
in
the
work
of
remembering).
For
example,
crossing
a
road
and
going
towards
a
house
where
abuse
will
occur
may
be
retrospectively
constructed
as
a
conscious
decision
because
of
the
spatial
organization
of
the
activity
(see
Reavey
&
Brown,
2006)
If
we
use
this
analytic
tack
to
understand
the
current
problem,
then
we
would
begin
from
the
position
that
the
adoptive
family
constitutes
an
assembly
of
relations
that
is
in
flux.
One
of
its
‘tendencies’
is
to
condense
itself
around
an
enclosed
space
of
belonging,
where
adoptive
children
are
constructed
as
having
legitimate
participation
in
the
family,
all
of
whom
share
in
a
notion
of
a
joint
future.
But
there
are
other
tendencies
which
may
be
actualized
where
this
enclosure
is
widened
or
dilated
to
incorporate
other
relations,
such
as
with
former
carers,
biological
parents
or
perhaps
entire
cultural
or
ethnic
lineages,
either
real
or
imagined.
Blood,
love
and
memory
intertwine
in
opening
out
the
family
to
other
forces
and
relations.
Sometimes
this
can
prove
unsustainable
altogether
and
the
enclosure
dissipates,
relations
come
apart.
We
might
characterize
these
tendencies
using
Sloterdijk’s
(2011)
image
of
‘bubbles’.
The
tendency
towards
producing
the
family
as
an
enclosed
sphere
of
intimacy
and
belonging
is
opposed
by
the
tendencies
towards
over-‐expansion
and
dissipation.
Our
question
then
becomes
that
of
the
role
that
these
mundane
objects
play
in
condensing
relations
into
the
‘bubble’
of
the
family.
What
propensities
do
they
contribute
to
this
process?
How
do
they
assist
in
enclosing
the
family?
And
how
at
the
same
time
do
they
act
to
threaten
or
dissipate
the
bubble?
Spectral
objects
Over
the
course
of
a
life,
each
of
us
typically
accumulates
a
sizeable
number
of
possessions.
Some
objects
‘travel
with
us’,
becoming
important
markers
of
identity
–
a
much
loved
and
re-‐soled
pair
of
shoes,
a
mask
bought
on
a
trip
to
Africa,
a
ornament
that
used
to
stand
on
a
grandparent’s
fireplace.
These
objects
may
be
tied
to
particular
periods
of
our
life,
and
can
thus
serve
as
the
means
through
which
the
past
can
recalled
and
put
to
work
in
the
present.
Radley
(1990),
for
instance,
describes
how
the
act
of
rediscovering
some
forgotten
and
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
misplaced
object
can
surface
contrasts
between
past
and
present
-‐
‘a
silver
lighter
from
one’s
smoking
days,
a
cribbage
board
from
times
when
the
family
came
round
to
play
cards’
(p.51).
This
is
particularly
acute
in
circumstances
where
the
contrast
is
between
a
desired
past
which
is
irrevocably
foreclosed
and
a
present
which
is
dissatisfactory
or
found
wanting,
such
as
in
Said’s
(1989)
description
of
the
importance
of
objects
as
markers
of
a
lost
homeland
in
Palestinian
homes.
The
value
of
such
objects
lies
in
their
ability
to
make
that
past
present.
Hence
when
elderly
people
faced
with
the
move
from
independent
to
sheltered
accommodation
are
asked
to
give
up
or
‘clear’
a
significant
number
of
their
possessions,
this
is
experienced
as
a
threat
to
memory,
to
the
ability
to
narrate
one’s
past
(Marcoux
2001).
It
is
not
really
sufficient
to
describe
such
possessions
as
merely
cues
to
memory,
since
both
the
process
and
the
content
of
what
can
be
remembered
appears
to
depend
on
the
propensities
of
the
objects
themselves.
Elena
Bendien’s
study
of
a
‘reminiscence
museum’
located
in
an
elderly
care
home,
for
example,
demonstrates
that
the
kinds
of
recollections
elderly
visitors
produce
are
thoroughly
interdependent
with
and
shaped
by
the
particular
objects
(e.g.
old
washing
machines,
bathtubs)
with
which
they
interact
(see
Bendien,
2009;
Bendien
et
al,
2010).
Remembering
is
a
practice
that
is
collective
not
simply
in
that
it
involves
people
supporting
one
another’s
efforts
at
recall,
but
also
in
that
objects
lend
their
forces
and
propensities
as
constitutive
of
the
practice
itself.
For
example,
Bendien
et
al
(2010)
describe
an
episode
where
the
exposed
working
parts
of
a
washing
machine
give
rise
to
a
recollection
by
an
elderly
woman
of
an
incident
from
forty
years
ago
where
her
son
risked
injury
by
playing
with
a
similar
machine
in
the
kitchen
of
the
family
home.
The
son
had
recently
died
–
an
event
that
is
woven
into
the
recollection
as
it
discussed
by
the
woman
with
her
adult
daughter
and
a
volunteer
in
the
museum.
To
argue
that
objects
such
as
the
washing
machine
above
are
integral
to
remembering
pushes
at
the
boundaries
of
how
we
typically
define
the
psychological.
In
Sherry
Turkle’s
(2007)
collection
of
autobiographical
sketches
drawn
around
‘everyday
things’,
for
instance,
the
contributors
follow
in
the
longstanding
anthropological
tradition
of
‘thinking
with
things’.
Here
‘thinking’
is
undoubtedly
conditioned
by
the
individual
artefacts
that
are
described
in
each
chapter,
but
there
is
no
doubt
that
it
is
the
‘investigations’
and
personal
journeys
of
each
author
which
are
central,
rendering
the
objects
as
literary
ciphers
for
bildungsromans
in
miniature.
Similarly,
Steven
Connor’s
(2011)
essays
on
objects
opens
with
the
image
of
an
infant’s
‘researches’
with
an
object
dangling
over
its
head.
In
both
cases
the
properties
and
qualities
of
artefacts
are
certainly
important,
but
what
is
really
at
issue
is
the
drama
of
the
thoughts,
feelings
and
activities
that
arise
when
a
lone
subject
explores
a
given
object
and
finds
a
place
for
it
in
their
life.
Whilst
we
might
reject
the
‘subject-‐centered’
approach
taken
by
Turkle
and
Connor,
they
are
equally
insightful
in
their
delineation
of
the
particular
sorts
of
objects
that
are
of
concern.
Turkle
speaks
of
‘evocative
objects’
that
have
the
power
to
give
rise
to
powerful
attachments
and
emotional
experiences.
Connor
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
similarly
points
to
objects
that
appear
to
have
a
life
of
their
own,
one
which
exceeds
their
mundane
material
appearance.
These
‘magical
objects’
enable
an
exchange
of
qualities
with
the
subjects
who
engage
with
themii.
We
want
to
follow
this
analytic
suggestion
by
proposing
a
definition
of
our
own
which
gives
us
a
purchase
on
the
objects
which
are
prove
troubling
for
adoptive
parents:
‘spectral
objects’.
These
objects
make
possible
memorial
practices
that
inflate
particular
versions
of
the
past
in
such
a
way
as
to
both
unsettle
the
present
and
to
render
projected
visions
of
the
future
as
uncertain.
Their
qualities
project
a
sense
of
‘unfinished
business’
that
can
be
experienced
as
threatening
and
requiring
ongoing
management.
Spectral
objects
point
the
way
to
a
difficult
past,
but
do
so
in
a
way
that
renders
that
past
as
something
that
cannot
be
simply
erased
without
considerable
cost.
Our
choice
of
the
word
‘spectral’
arises
directly
the
way
this
term
sometimes
appeared
in
the
talk
of
adoptive
parents:
B
…
there
was
a
great
deal
of
fear
about
the
father
within
social
services
and
that
permeated
through
all
of
the
file
and
through
all
of
the,
um
all
of
the
discussions
we
had
with
social
workers
throughout
there
was
this
great
spectre
um
and,
and
he
remained
a
spectre
didn’t
he
I
think
until
we
got
a
letter
from
him…
Biological
parents
and
former
carers
are
clearly
important
figures
in
any
account
of
the
life
of
an
adopted
child.
Yet
they
can
also
give
rise
to
tremendous
anxieties
about
how
this
early
life
can
re-‐appear
in
the
present.
This
is
particularly
so
when
these
figures
are
not
directly
present,
but
are
experienced
at
a
remove
–
such
as
through
case
file
details
in
the
example
above
and
in
the
traces
of
them
which
appear
to
be
woven
into
the
objects
we
will
go
on
to
discuss.
Spectral
objects
are
then
not
objects
in
the
usual
sense
of
the
term
in
that
they
appear
to
have
a
kind
of
agency
of
their
own,
which
arises
in
part
because
of
the
residue
of
absent
or
phantom
subjectivity
left
upon
by
the
actions
or
choices
of
former
carers
or
biological
parents.
There
are
parallels
here
with
the
pun
which
Miller
(2001)
makes
on
‘estate
agency’
to
refer
to
the
ways
that
houses
seem
to
be
‘haunted’
by
the
subjectivity
of
former
occupants
who
have
left
their
mark
through
the
aesthetic
and
practical
decisions
they
have
written
into
the
property.
However
in
Miller’s
example
the
spectrality
is
made
present
through
the
relative
solidity
and
longevity
of
the
property
into
which
new
occupants
move.
The
spectal
objects
we
will
discuss
–
toys
and
clothes
–
travel
with
the
adoptive
child.
It
is
their
displacement
from
a
past
life
and
the
precarious
way
in
which
they
have
survived
to
accompany
the
child
that
gives
them
their
unsettling
holding
power.
To
dispose
of
such
an
object
is
to
choose
to
break
that
fragile
link
to
the
child’s
past,
however
difficult
it
might
have
been.
Memorial
boundaries
In
one
of
the
very
earliest
discussions
of
collective
memory,
Maurice
Halbwachs
(1950)
clearly
articulated
the
role
of
object
as
markers
of
the
shifting
boundary
between
past
and
present
within
a
community
of
rememberers.
If
we
consider
the
family
as
particular
instance
of
such
a
community,
then
our
attention
rapidly
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
falls
to
the
diverse
range
of
memorabilia
that
adorns
a
typically
family
home,
from
treasured
objects
that
have
passed
between
generations
to
souvenirs
of
travel
or
important
events
and
‘prized
possessions’.
The
generic
term
‘stuff’
seems
best
to
capture
the
heterogeneity
of
these
objects
and
the
way
in
which
they
seem
to
point
out
constitutive
relationships
of
ownership
and
experience
–
‘this
is
our
stuff’,
‘she
still
has
a
lot
of
her
stuff
here’,
‘going
through
all
that
old
stuff
really
reminded
me
of
how
things
used
to
be’.
Adopted
children
move
into
a
space
that
is
already
populated
with
objects
that
speak
to
a
particular
past.
Entering
this
space
means
both
a
break
with
the
past
and
the
incorporation
into
a
new
present.
The
delicacy
of
this
transition
can
be
handled
in
part
by
exchanging
the
properties
of
the
child
with
the
‘stuff’
that
they
are
travelling
with.
In
the
following
example,
C
describes
how
contact
with
former
carers
during
this
transitional
period
was
assisted
by
the
movement
of
objects:
C:
And
that
was
really
helpful.
Um,
because
they
were
fostering
other
children
and
she
went
there
and
the
bed
that
had
been
her
bed
was
now
somebody
else’s
bed,
somebody
else’s
posters
were
on
the
wall
and
it,
it
really
clicked
with
her
that
all
her
stuff
was
now
at
ours
and,
and
that
was
it,
you
know,
that,
that,
that
was
completed
and
the
reason
that
she’d
been
there
was
as
they
had
said,
that
she
was
waiting
for
a
permanent
family
and
um,
that
had
happened.
Visiting
her
former
home,
the
child
sees
that
the
space
that
defined
relations
of
care
has
now
been
reshaped.
What
was
her
bed
now
belongs
to
someone
else.
Or
more
properly
speaking,
the
bed
that
she
had
thought
was
hers
is
now
revealed
as
belonging
to
no-‐one
in
particular,
as
a
marker
of
a
transitional
space
that
is
temporarily
occupied
by
a
string
of
fostered
children
in
turn.
What
is
permanent
is
‘her
stuff’,
the
objects
that
she
has
accrued
in
her
life
to
date
and
which
travel
with
her.
They
are
now
in
place
in
the
new
family
home.
The
sense
of
this
home
having
stood
there
waiting
to
receive
the
adoptive
child
is
communicated
by
the
physical
organization
of
the
home
space
as
being
receptive
to
the
depositing
of
the
child’s
‘stuff’.
This
sense
of
the
‘destining’
of
the
child
to
be
with
the
adopting
family
–
the
‘completion’
of
the
transition
to
the
‘permanent
family’
–
is
not
straightforward.
Permanent
placements
can
break
down
through
the
rejection
of
the
arrangement
by
the
child,
adoptive
parents
or
other
parties.
Here
again
‘stuff’
can
be
referred
to
as
the
material
token
in
which
this
complex
affective
atmosphere
is
registered.
In
the
extract
below,
C
describes
another
adoptive
child
who
oriented
to
the
placement
process
in
a
different
way:
C.
Um,
and
he,
he
was
then
told
the
judge
has
ordered
him
(laughs)
to
be,
placed
with
us
and
he,
he
again
got
this
image
you
know,
that
sort
of
out
of
the
blue,
um,
he
was
picked
up
and
carried
off
and
he
always
sold
his
stuff
and,
and
he,
he
stayed
overnight
with
people
on
the
streets
without
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
The
child
here
treats
the
boundaries
between
past
and
present
as
one
reflecting
the
subordination
of
his
own
agency
into
the
formal
will
of
the
law
–
a
judge
legally
bound
him
to
a
future
that
was
not
of
his
choosing
and
he
was
transported,
much
like
a
commodity,
to
a
new
home
where
he
was
‘imprisoned’.
Interestingly
his
rebellion
against
this
supposed
commodification
takes
the
form
of
divesting
himself
of
all
the
things
that
travelled
with
him
and
which
he
subsequently
accrued
in
the
new
family
setting
–
‘he
always
sold
his
stuff’
and
‘stayed
overnight
with
people
on
the
streets
without
clothes’.
It
is
as
though
it
is
the
stuff
itself
which
holds
him
to
the
adoptive
family,
and
conversely,
from
the
perspective
of
the
adoptive
parent,
that
it
is
stuff
which
expresses
the
relations
of
care
which
the
child
has
rejected.
In
the
previous
two
examples,
‘stuff’
was
comparatively
undefined,
referring
to
the
heterogeneous
array
of
materials
that
travel
with
the
child.
Whilst
stuff
is
invested
with
a
kind
of
spectrality
–
a
residue
of
the
past
in
the
present
that
makes
this
boundary
an
ongoing
concern
–
the
particular
things
which
we
would
characterize
as
spectral
objects
have
more
ambiguous
and
complex
qualities.
In
the
following
example,
two
adoptive
parents
discuss
an
episode
in
which
a
particular
soft
toy
–
Pooh
Bear
–
is
mislaid:
W.
F
has
got
a
Pooh
Bear
B.
That
she
got
from
the
foster
parents
W.
That
she
got
from
the
foster
parents,
that
is
a
true
transitional
object,
that
we
nearly
lost
in
the
woods
once.
B.
And
we
both
nearly
killed
ourselves
when
we
crossed
the
road
searching
for
him.
W.
Pooh’s
jumper…
B.
She’s
asleep
in
the
buggy
W.
Oh
it’s
Pooh
Bear,
my
god!
Ohhh
B.
We
found
him,
on
the
side
of
the
road,
just,
life
would
not
have
been
worth
living…
It
is
worth
pointing
out
that
the
parents
here
use
the
psychoanalytic
language
of
‘transitional
object’
to
refer
to
the
toy.
But
this
does
not
entirely
capture
the
emotion
that
is
generated
around
the
possible
loss
of
Pooh
Bear.
The
child
mentioned
is
an
infant,
one
small
enough
to
still
need
to
be
pushed
in
a
buggy,
and
therefore
one
who
might
presumably
have
very
little
by
way
of
memories
of
her
life
before
adoption.
Whilst
it
might
be
unfortunate
to
lose
Pooh
Bear,
over
clothes,
staying
out
all
night.
He
always
felt
he
needed
to
break
free
from
us,
because
he
feels
we
took
him
and
imprisoned
him.
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
time
it
might
be
replaced
with
other
objects
that
become
more
important
as
durable
markers
of
caring
relations.
However,
this
particular
toy
is
not
simply
transitional.
It
is
a
link
to
a
past
–
to
the
former
foster
parents
–
which
is
constitutive
of
the
present.
Whilst
this
may
now
be
the
permanent
home
for
the
child,
it
cannot
be
formed
on
the
basis
of
a
rejection
of
everything
that
came
before
without
risking
at
some
point
in
the
future
that
this
child
may
place
importance
on
this
early
period.
The
past
must
then
be
accessible,
it
must
be
given
a
place
within
the
adoptive
family
such
that
the
family
does
not
seal
itself
off
in
a
way
that
would
make
a
desire
to
connect
with
the
past
impossible
to
address.
Pooh
Bear
is
not
a
symbol
of
the
past
–
it
is
that
past
made
manifest
in
the
material
form
of
the
toy,
whose
safekeeping
is
simultaneously
the
preservation
of
a
conduit
to
an
early
past
in
the
ongoing
work
of
making
the
present
of
the
permanent
family.
The
stakes
involved
in
such
safekeeping
become
considerably
heightened
when
the
past
which
is
marked
out
by
the
spectral
object
are
problematic.
In
the
next
extract
the
parent
F
talks
of
a
toy
whose
material
state
threatens
to
make
a
particular
version
of
the
past
inescapable:
F.
R,
at
three,
she
came
with
a
tiny
little
white,
like
Snoopy
Dog
and
that
was
from,
that
was
from
birth
mother
era
and
that
has
a
cigarette
burn
on
it,
the
same
as
she
has
a
cigarette
burn,
she
has,
um,
and
then
she
paid
no
attention
to
it
whatsoever.
You
know,
they
accumulate
so
many
toys
and
things.
I’ve
always
kept
that
in
her
room
but
it’s
hidden
at
the
back
of
the
pile.
The
Snoopy
Dog
described
here
has
been
burned
with
a
cigarette,
which
F
compares
directly
to
a
similar
injury
inflicted
on
the
child
during
the
‘birth
mother
era’.
In
memorial
terms,
the
past
is
unfolded
from
the
burn
mark.
To
examine
the
damaged
toy
is
to
be
drawn
immediately
to
the
scalding
hot
tip
of
the
cigarette
which
inflicted
the
mark,
the
hands
which
held
that
cigarette,
the
action
itself
(intentional?
incidental?
a
moment
of
fury?
regretted?
or
enjoyed?).
A
whole
set
of
deeply
troubling
worlds
seem
to
spring
from
or
grown
out
of
the
burn
mark,
in
a
way
akin
to
the
unfolding
origami
image
that
Proust
offers
in
the
famous
Madeleine
example,
or
the
worlding
of
the
peasant’s
labour
that
Heidegger
articulates
in
his
analysis
of
Van
Gogh’s
A
Pair
of
Shoes
(see
Middleton
&
Brown,
2005).
And
if
F
can
do
this
work,
what
is
implied
here
is
that
the
child
might
themselves
also
do
the
same
work
at
some
point
in
the
future.
So
why
not
simply
throw
away
Snoopy
Dog?
Because
like
Pooh
Bear
it
is
a
surviving
link
to
the
past,
one
that
almost
triumphantly
survived
the
precarious
transition
from
a
problematic
early
life
to
the
projected
settlement
of
the
present.
To
get
rid
of
the
toy
is
to
break
that
link.
If
Snoopy
Dog
has
survived
the
horrors
which
led
to
the
cigarette
burning,
then
so
too
will
the
child.
That
narrative
needs
to
be
preserved.
But
Snoopy
Dog
must
nevertheless
stand
waiting
to
do
that
–
for
now
at
least
–
from
the
relative
solitude
of
being
‘hidden
at
the
back
of
the
pile’.
Trajectories
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
Spectral
object
point
a
way
to
versions
of
the
past
that
make
manifest
a
range
of
figures
and
actions
which
are
either
already
significant
for
the
child
or
may
yet
come
to
matter.
This
work
of
attending
to
the
boundary
between
past
and
present
in
which
adoptive
parents
engage
has
its
corollary
in
the
concern
to
anticipate
the
future
needs
of
the
child.
In
our
data,
adoptive
parents
routinely
describe
their
anxieties
about
how
adopted
children
make
sense
of
their
past
in
relation
to
anticipated
futures
as
they
grow.
For
example,
a
child
might
see
himself
or
herself
as
having
inherited
‘bad
blood’
which
they
imagine
to
destine
them
to
a
life
of
criminality.
Other
children
may
report
having
witnessed
acts
of
violence
that
they
come
believe
will
inevitably
recur
in
their
adult
life.
Whether
these
memories
are
‘actual’
in
the
strict
sense
or
not
matters
less
than
the
power
of
these
images
to
indicate
to
the
child
and
to
adoptive
parents
the
possible
life
trajectories
that
the
child
live
out.
In
the
following
long
example,
we
see
how
a
particular
piece
of
clothing
is
fraught
with
significance
for
these
anticipated
trajectories.
Beginning
with
a
mention
of
a
play
costume
owned
by
her
daughter,
C
articulates
how
the
costume
poses
the
risk
of
opening
up
a
discussion
of
a
particularly
dramatic
episode
from
her
daughter’s
early
life,
when
her
birth
mother
accidentally
started
a
fire
in
her
home:
C.
My
daughter’s
obsessed
with
fire
and
um,
we
don’t
talk,
we
don’t
um,
she’s
actually
got
a
fireman’s
costume,
a
firefighter’s
costume,
a
firefighter’s
kit
you
know,
age
appropriate
children’s
things
but
I
don’t
talk
about
fires
and
there
was,
you
now
the
New
Town
fireiii.
Of
course
we
haven’t
mentioned
it,
haven’t
shown
her
pictures
but,
um,
today
she
was
out
visiting
a
friend
who
has
a
younger
child
and
doesn’t
realize
how
big
ears
she’s
got
and
talking
about,
you
know,
those
explosions
there
and
the
sky
so
she’s
heard
about
it
and
we
…
and
then
um
M
had
promised
to
show
her
a
newspaper
picture
because
she’s
obsessed
with
it
it.
She
just…
B.
Amazing
what
they
take
in,
isn’t
it
you
know?
A.
Its
amazing
…
when
she’s
three
C.
Yeah
W.
It’s
quite
unsettling
C.
Oh,
but
also
you
sort
of
think
its
alright
because
there’s
this
huge
picture
of
like,
like
a
mushroom
and
there’s
three
um
firefighters
in
the
picture
and
the
main
interest
was
one
didn’t
have
his
hat
on!
(Laughter)
You
have
to
think,
you
know
A.
You’re
building
this
up,
yeah
C.
Well,
it’s
like,
well
it’s
like,
you
know
what
do
I
do
when
she’s,
you
know,
talking
to
her
about
this,
this
sort
of
thing
about
what
her
mum
did
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
The
firefighter’s
costume
is
a
thoroughly
ambiguous
object.
C
reports
that
her
daughter
is
‘obsessed
with
fire’.
The
costume
is
then,
on
the
one
hand,
an
‘age
appropriate’
way
of
entertaining
the
child’s
interests.
It
is,
we
might
say,
a
way
of
normalizing
these
interests,
of
framing
them
as
innocent
childish
concerns
with
the
dangers
of
the
adult
world,
in
the
same
way
that
other
children
might
be
bought
doctors
or
soldiers
play
outfits.
But
what
C
is
aware
of
is
that
this
obsession
has
roots
in
an
actual
episode
from
her
daughter’s
early
years
that
the
child
is
apparently
unaware
of.
There
is
a
secret
–
her
birth
mother’s
role
in
a
fire
–
that
will
be
revealed
at
some
point,
most
likely
by
siblings.
C
has
apparently
spent
some
considerable
time
imagining
or
‘visualising’
how
this
story
will
be
framed,
the
kinds
of
images
and
resources
that
she
will
need
to
draw
upon
to
do
so.
The
firefighter
costume
then
stands
as
the
centre
of
a
future
effort
to
recapitulate
a
past
that
is
continuously
reiterated
by
the
child’s
current
obsession
with
fire.
It
is
the
future
revelation
of
this
shared
secret
that
is
written
into
the
costume.
To
refuse
to
allow
her
daughter
to
engage
with
her
obsession
would
be
for
C
to
stand
accountable
at
some
later
date
of
having
mis-‐directed
her
daughter,
of
having
deliberately
steered
her
away
from
having
gotten
onto
the
path
which
would
eventually
lead
her
to
a
confrontation
with
this
particular
aspect
of
her
past
and
her
relationship
to
her
birth
mother.
Allowing
her
to
have
the
costume
gives
C
the
resource
of
being
able
to
present
herself
as
having
merely
delayed
rather
than
dismissed
the
possibility
of
this
confrontation.
And
indeed
this
choice
appears
to
have
worked
to
the
extent
that
the
daughter’s
interest
in
images
of
fire
seems
to
be
age-‐appropriately
skewed
(e.g.
whether
hats
are
being
worn
properly
by
firefighters
rather
than
on
the
consequences).
The
costume
is
then
something
akin
to
Poe’s
famous
‘purloined
letter’
discussed
by
both
Lacan
and
Derrida.
It
is
a
secret
or
mystery
whose
quality
is
both
intensified
and
managed
on
account
of
it
being
hidden
in
plain
sight.
To
stretch
a
metaphor
we
might
say
that
this
future
confrontation
with
the
past
is
hidden
in
the
folds
of
the
costume,
waiting
to
be
unfolded
and
opened
up
at
any
point.
As
spectral
objects,
what
is
afforded
by
both
the
firefighter
costume
and
soft
toys
we
have
previously
described
is
a
means
for
adoptive
parents
to
anticipate
a
range
of
future
life
trajectories
for
their
child.
Some
trajectories
are
the
desired
outcomes
that
follow
from
the
child’s
integration
in
the
new
family.
Other
less
desirable
trajectories
are
those
where
the
child
seems
fated
to
return
to
the
you
know,
I
suppose
it’s
quite
hard
to
talk
to
her
without
having
an
example
apart
from
the
drugs,
having
pictures
and
things
like
that,
you
know
that
sort
of
thing,
other
sorts
of
scenarios
but
um,
she
will
hear
about
that
because
siblings,
you
know
will,
will
tell
her.
Anytime
really,
but
anytime
and
it
is
so,
and
I
know
that
I’m
doing
it
myself,
I’m
sort
of
visualizing
it
and
I
know
I
have
to
talk
it
down,
the
fact
that
she
wasn’t
an
arsonist
she
had
started
a
fire
by
mistake,
you
know,
um
it
was
the
fact
that
she
went
much
longer
into
distress,
you
know
but
the
flat
got
burned
down
and
the
fact
was
she
went
to
prison
because
of
it
and
had
a
long
sentence,
so
that’s
unfortunate
but
you
have
to
sort
of
try
to
work
out
Draft pre-publication version of Brown, S.D., Reavey, P. & Brookfield, H. (2012) Spectral objects: Material links to difficult pasts for adoptive parents. In Harvey. P., Casella, E., Evans, G., Knox, H., McLean, C., Silva, E., Thoburn, N., & Woodward, K. (Eds) Objects and materials: A Routledge companion. London: Routledge.
circumstances
and
kinds
of
life
experience
that
dominated
their
early
years.
Spectral
objects
play
an
ambiguous
role.
On
the
one
hand,
they
are
a
visible
link
to
a
difficult
past,
a
material
means
by
which
that
past
continues
to
exert
an
influence
over
the
present
which
threatens
the
effort
to
sustain
a
stable
life
trajectory
for
the
child.
But
on
the
other,
they
represent
one
of
the
few
means
through
which
an
emotional
link
to
the
past
can
be
sustained
for
the
child,
and
through
which
she
or
he
might,
at
some
future
date,
be
able
to
reflect
upon
and
place
that
past
in
the
context
of
their
subsequent
life.
The
spectral
object
is
a
threat
and
a
promise,
an
affectively
charged
medium
through
which
the
past
continues
to
act,
and
the
means
by
which
it
might
be
tamed.
Summary
Objects
do
not
offer
a
simple
gateway
to
the
past.
Their
power
to
link
past
and
present
comes
from
the
contingent
and
situated
manner
in
which
they
are
encountered
in
acts
of
remembering.
It
is
this
complex
work
of
handling
the
past
in
adoptive
families
which
has
been
our
focus
in
this
chapter.
Although
the
toys
and
clothes
–
the
‘stuff’
–
we
have
discussed
here
are
affectively
highly
charged
and
certainly
rich
interpretatively,
we
have
deliberately
chosen
not
to
treat
them
as
symbols
or
as
psychoanalytic
‘objects’.
We
feel
such
an
approach
would
overlook
the
material
affordances
of
the
objects
that
enable
them
to
become
participants
in
the
ongoing
dilemmas
of
managing
the
past.
For
example,
the
choices
made
in
the
burying
of
Snoopy
Dog
in
the
pile
or
toys,
or
the
work
around
the
‘open
secret’
contained
in
the
firefighter
costume
is
what
concerns
us,
rather
than
any
psychic
drama.
Ownership
and
agency
are
at
the
very
centre
of
the
problem.
For
the
bubble
of
adoptive
family
to
survive,
it
is
necessary
for
the
difficult
past
of
the
child
to
be
tamed,
despite
its
ongoing
manifestation
in
the
present,
by
way
the
stuff
that
has
come
with
the
child.
In
a
mundane
sense
the
child
‘owns’
the
objects,
and
the
choice
to
dispose
of
them
is
therefore
not
properly
speaking
that
of
the
parents
to
make.
But
more
importantly,
that
ownership
is
simultaneously
an
owning
of
the
past
that
is
affectively
mediated
through
the
spectral
object.
If
the
object
survives,
then
so
too
does
the
possibility
of
the
child
being
able
to
assert
some
sense
of
agency
in
relation
to
the
past
at
some
later
point
and
find
a
place
for
early
difficult
experience
in
their
ongoing
life
trajectory.
Curiously
then,
the
adoptive
parents
here
need
to
attribute
quasi-‐subjective
status
to
spectral
objects
–
to
let
them
live,
so
to
speak
–
in
order
to
avoid
the
risk
of
reducing
the
child
to
the
status
of
a
commodity
who
has
been
traded
between
adult
carers.
This
complex
exchange
of
properties
adds
to
the
semi-‐magical
patina
that
accrues
on
the
object,
or
as
we
have
called
it
using
the
terms
of
our
participants
‘spectrality’.
It
is
this
property
which
adoptive
parents
fear
(as
seen
in
the
desperate
search
for
Pooh
Bear)
and
on
which
their
ongoing
efforts
to
maintain
the
bubble
of
adoptive
family
ultimate
come
to
depend.
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i
The
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Saturday
11
June
2011
ii
Connor
(2011)
draws
here
upon
Michel
Serres’
notions
of
the
quasi-‐object,
which
reappear
in
the
work
of
Latour
and
Actor-‐Network
Theory
(see
Brown,
2002).
iii
Actual
name
replaced
with
pseudonym.